Guest Post From abby jean: francis fox piven

abbyjean is a feminist with mental illness(es) living in sunny Southern California. She’s particularly interested in how race, class, spoken language, and other identities intersect with disability issues. She loves research and science and policy and hates it when people use junk science to justify bad policy. She also loves music and enthusiastic dancing. She has no real blog but posts a lot of clippings and such at her tumblr.

francis fox piven, who i utterly adore, has evidently been getting death threats after glenn beck has been targeting her on his show. that made it seem like a good time to talk about piven and her ideas and how vital they are in today’s economic and political climate.

i encountered piven in the context of learning the history of the united states welfare program and the history of public welfare programs overall. her book with richard cloward, regulating the poor: the functions of public welfare, is foundational reading if you have any interest in how governments have thought about and justified assistance to people in poverty For an overview of both the book and the history of western welfare programs, i highly recommend this pdf from the benchmark institute.]

the piven/cloward argument is that broad welfare programs and relief are intended first and foremost to prevent people in poverty from upsetting political stability. they’re designed to minimize and mute civil disorder by controlling enough of the unemployed to restore order. the main goal is to prevent civil unrest – rioting, protests, and anything else that would destabilize the existing political order. then, as unemployment declines and economic stability rises, the welfare system contracts, sending people back out into the workforce. this is an ongoing cycle, with regular expansions and contractions of the welfare program:

A flowchart: 1. Normal times (low unemployment, little disaffection with status quo), 2. Rising, 3. Turbulence, 4. Relief programs (cash or work), 5. Lowered unemployment, 6. Less disaffection, 7. Cutback of relief unemployment, looping back to normal times

piven argues that the purpose and intention of welfare programs from the point of view of the government administering them – including unemployment insurance, disability insurance, etc – is to placate and prevent unrest against that government.

this kind of unrest is not unheard of by any means. take, for example, the 1932 bonus army riots in DC, when some 15,000 WWI veterans and their families went to DC to request payment of a bonus for military service. they’d been issued certificates that couldn’t be cashed until 1945 and many had been out of work since the beginning of the depression. president hoover and army chief of staff general douglas macarthur used US military troops to drive all of the veterans off government property, resulting in a melee with shots fired and veteran casualties. this is the kind of unrest these programs are designed to avoid.

an image of a Dust Bowl/Great Depression camp of refugees and their tents

programs today sound like they’re to help people and families. there’s temporary assistance to needy families (TANF), and the US just renamed the food stamp program as the supplemental nutrition assistance program. so it’s easy to think about them as charitable gifts to people who we want to do well, as the government stretching out a hand of assistance to those who need a little help. but they are about political control.

it’s easy to see why beck doesn’t like her. tea party conservatives like to think of welfare as uselessly throwing money into the air, creating a class of dependent infants incapable of providing for themselves. thinking of the poor as people who are being systemically denied human rights by a system that placates them in order to maintain power is directly opposed to beck’s view in every way. it describes people in poverty as worthy and independent and most of all potentially very powerful. it describes the welfare payment as essentially a payoff – scraps sufficient only to prevent them from demanding their due.

Disability, Packaged for Your Consumption

I write a lot about the way that disability is depicted in pop culture, and I also write a lot about why I spend so much time discussing it. One issue I think is particularly important to look at is the way pop culture handling of disability contributes to social distancing, because it is usually depictions played and written by nondisabled people for the consumption of nondisabled people. We are not part of the process of developing and considering such characters at all and people seem shocked that we are also in the audiences of pop culture.

I also see this coming up with QUILTBAG characters and members of some other minorities. And, in fact, I note that there is often a push to specifically exclude creators writing and exploring their own lived experiences. I was struck recently by the response to two more or less identical queries: One of them included a disclosure that I was transgender because I thought it was relevant to the piece. The other query, for the same piece, did not include that fact, but was otherwise the same, contentwise. The positive response was to the query without the disclosure, a reminder that the arbiters and gatekeepers of our culture, the people deciding what gets published and produced, usually seek out people like them and seem almost threatened by our attempts to control the depiction of our own identities.

Pop culture depictions of disability are produced and seen through a nondisabled lens. They are sterilised and neatly packaged, allowing nondisabled people to project their own ideas about disability, rather than having to actually engage with real disabled people. These depictions do not challenge or upend attitudes because they are not intended to. Consciously or not, they reinforce attitudes, because they involve the dominant culture telling the stories of a nondominant culture.

This translates to the way that people think about disability in the world in general. The belief that we have nothing to say about disability means that we are silenced and ignored when we try to speak up about disability issues. Instead, nondisabled people tell us what we need, how to accomplish political goals, where to find resources, what to do with our lives. Nondisabled people decide whether we are ‘disabled enough’ and nondisabled people get to shape our lives and existences. I see this narrative over and over, from autism organisations without a single autistic person on the board to nondisabled parents of children with disabilities being treated as authorities on disability.

I see it in the narrative surrounding caregivers, where everything is seen through the perspective of the caregiver and caregiving is regarded, inherently, as a misery and a hardship. It is assumed that caregivers are nondisabled and it is also assumed that they are heroic and brave, rather than just people doing their jobs, rather than partners or parents or friends of people who require aides and assistance. Caregiving is lionised in our culture because of the way disability is viewed, because of the attitude that we should be seen and not heard, patted on the head and ignored.

People project their ideas about disability onto me, and other people with disabilities, all the time. Disability is a tragedy, disability is scary, disability is the worst thing ever, disability is the end of everything. As I confront my attitudes about my own disabilities and those of others, I am reminded that I need to be a model disabled person, to fit in with the mold people want to press me in. If I am angry or sad about my disabilities, I am feeding into the attitude that disability is inherently bad and awful. If I am proud, I am deluded, or I am scary and should be silenced because I am saying things people do not like to hear. I cannot have an uncomplicated relationship with my disabilities because just being in society complicates them.

We are objects, we are props, we are ideas, we are vague concepts. We are definitely not human beings. The insistence on only allowing disability to be depicted and discussed through the point of view of nondisabled people is incredibly dehumanising and so very difficult to push back on because to confront it is to be silenced. I have actually been told to shut up in conversations about disability where people read me as nondisabled when I started talking, paid attention to me and nodded, and then recoiled when I outed myself. To break down the busted system surrounding depictions of disability, we have to get our feet in the door, and we are firmly reminded that we are not wanted.

What is so frightening about allowing people to talk about their own lived experiences, to take charge of the way they are depicted, to depict themselves honestly and in a way that speaks true to them? Well, it requires fundamentally dismantling the way you think about disability, if you are a nondisabled person. When outsiders get to do the defining, the talking, the discussing, the depicting, they can carry on with the same attitudes they always have, knowing that no one can challenge them and knowing that their depiction as it stands will be accepted, generally, by the people around them.

To allow us to depict our own lived experiences would be to admit that the experience of disability is not homogeneous, that we all have very different attitudes to disability and relationships with your disabilities. It would be messy, not tidy and neat the way boxing all members of the disabled community into one corner is. Fault lines would be seen. Cracks would show. Flaws would stand out. And that would deconstruct the very idea that we are an amorphous mass with identical thoughts, experiences, needs, and beliefs.

It would be to admit that we are human beings.

Silky Locusts

Beth Slovic at Willamette Week: Hiding In America

Like 4 percent of the population of Oregon, Gomez is one of 150,000 people in the state who are undocumented immigrants.

Ronald Bailey at Bohemian: E.T. Stay Home?

If extraterrestrial civilizations exist in our galaxy—and there are good reasons to think they do—it’s probably a good idea to mind our own business and hope they do the same.

Heidi Walters at The Journal: Hoopa vs. FERC

He had just issued a news release announcing that his client, the Hoopa Valley Tribe, had lost another bid to force the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission to impose specific interim flows on the Klamath River below the JC Boyle Dam to protect a species of landlocked, formerly anadromous fish called the redband trout.

Robin Urevitch at Monterey County Weekly: Civil rights lawyer files claim in Greenfield raid death

He further contends that the raid amounted to unlawful search and seizure and argues that officers used excessive force and denied Serrato “prompt and necessary medical care.”

Benjamin Boles at NOW: What killed the club district?

What was once one of the busiest club districts in North America – throngs of high-spirited revellers, snarled traffic and an over-hyped reputation for rowdiness and violence – became a victim of its own success.